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ASERBAJDSJAN og den udfordring, flere identiteter: på jagt efter en GLOBAL SOUL
Alireza Asgharzadeh* Alireza Asgharzadeh *

This article focuses on emerging Azerbaijani identity and its competing versions in the Republic of Azerbaijan, Iran, and in the diaspora. Denne artikel fokuserer på den nye aserbajdsjanske identitet og dets konkurrerende versioner i Republikken Aserbajdsjan, Iran, og i diaspora. The Republic of Azerbaijan has over eight million people compared with more than 20 million Azeris in Iran. Republikken Aserbajdsjan har over otte millioner mennesker sammenlignet med mere end 20 millioner aserbajdsjanere i Iran. The two groups have ethnic, linguistic, and historical ties but also different experiences, giving them both a common identity contradicted by other factors. De to grupper har etniske, sproglige og historiske bånd, men også forskellige erfaringer, som giver dem begge en fælles identitet modsiges af andre faktorer.

In her valuable book entitled Borders and Brethren: Iran and the Challenge of Azerbaijani Identity , Brenda Shaffer astutely observes that: I hendes værdifulde bog med titlen Grænser og Brødre: Iran og udfordringen af aserbajdsjanske Identitet, Brenda Shaffer astutely bemærket, at:

Until the early 1990s, most Azerbaijanis in Iran referred to themselves as Turks. Indtil begyndelsen af 1990'erne, mest aserbajdsjaneres i Iran omtalte sig selv som tyrkere. Some researchers and Azerbaijanis themselves refer to this group as the Azerbaijani Turks.... Nogle forskere og aserbajdsjaneres selv henvise til denne gruppe som den aserbajdsjanske tyrkere .... The term most commonly employed by the Azerbaijanis today, and which is considered most neutral... Udtrykket mest anvendte af aserbajdsjaneres i dag, og som anses for mest neutrale ... is "Azerbaijani." ^[1] er "aserbajdsjansk". ^[1]

Since Shaffer's observation, the debate around finding a uniform ethnic/linguistic/national identity for the people of Azerbaijan ^[2] has intensified. Siden Shaffer bemærkning debatten omkring at finde en ensartet etnisk / sproglig / nationale identitet for indbyggerne i Aserbajdsjan ^[2] er blevet intensiveret. Azerbaijanis are now using identity categories as diverse as Azeri, Azeri-Turk, Turk, Iranian-Turk, Azerbaijani-Turk, South-Azerbaijani-Turk, and North-Azerbaijani-Turk. Aserbajdsjaneres nu bruger identitetspapirer kategorier så forskellige som Azeri, Azeri-Turk, Turk, iransk-Turk, aserbajdsjansk-Turk, Syd-aserbajdsjanske-Turk, og Nord-aserbajdsjanske-Turk. This rich choice shows how confusing the situation has become. Denne rige valg viser, hvordan forvirrende situation er blevet. Consensus is nowhere in sight regarding a uniform Azeri identity. Konsensus er intetsteds i syne vedrørende en ensartet Azeri identitet. Azerbaijanis identify themselves based on their experiences within specific environments, without being able to connect these various contexts with a more comprehensive general term. Aserbajdsjaneres identificere sig baseret på deres erfaringer inden for specifikke miljøer, uden at kunne forbinde disse forskellige sammenhænge med en mere omfattende generel term.

HISTORICAL OVERVIEW HISTORISK OVERSIGT

As a geographic region, Azerbaijan extends from northwestern Iran to the Caspian Sea in the east, with Kurdistan, Armenia, and Turkey to the west, and Georgia and Russia to the north. Som en geografisk region, strækker Aserbajdsjan fra det nordvestlige Iran til Det Kaspiske Hav i øst, med Kurdistan, Armenien og Tyrkiet mod vest, og Georgien og Rusland i nord. This strategic positioning reveals Azerbaijan's geopolitical significance as a gateway to Russia and Turkey and, through them, to the West. Denne strategiske positionering afslører Aserbajdsjans geopolitiske betydning som en gateway til Rusland og Tyrkiet, og gennem dem, at de vestlige lande. Azerbaijan is divided into two parts: Northern Azerbaijan, which became an independent country after the disintegration of the Soviet Union in 1991, and southern Azerbaijan, which is part of Iran. Aserbajdsjan er opdelt i to dele: Northern Aserbajdsjan, som blev et selvstændigt land efter opløsningen af Sovjetunionen i 1991, og det sydlige Aserbajdsjan, som er en del af Iran. The two parts have been divided since the early nineteenth century, with the Araz River as their border. De to dele er blevet inddelt siden begyndelsen af det nittende århundrede, med Araz floden som deres grænse. In addition to the Azeri-Turks, who constitute over 80 percent of the inhabitants of Azerbaijan on both sides of the river, there are ethnic and religious minorities such as Kurds, Armenians, Lezgis, Taleshis, Jews, Christians, and Baha'is living in Azerbaijan. Ud over de aserbajdsjanske-tyrkere, som udgør over 80 procent af indbyggerne i Aserbajdsjan på begge sider af floden, er der etniske og religiøse mindretal såsom kurderne, armenierne, Lezgis, Taleshis, jøder, kristne, og bahaier levende i Aserbajdsjan.

The language of the majority of Azerbaijanis is "Azeri" (variously known as Azeri-Turkic, Turki, and Azerbaijani), and the religion of the majority is Shi'a Islam. Sproget i de fleste aserbajdsjaneres er "Azeri" (kendt under forskellige betegnelser som Azeri-tyrkisk, Turki, og aserbajdsjanske) og religion for de fleste er Shi'a Islam. Of the overall Azeri population, 20 to 30 million are believed to be living in southern Azerbaijan and the rest of Iran, , eight million in the Republic of Azerbaijan, close to two million in Turkey, and about two million in Russia, with the rest mainly in Georgia, Iraq, and Ukraine. Af den samlede aserbajdsjanske befolkning, at 30 millioner børn er 20 menes at leve i det sydlige Aserbajdsjan og resten af Iran, otte millioner i Republikken Aserbajdsjan, tæt på to millioner i Tyrkiet, og omkring to millioner i Rusland, med resten hovedsagelig i Georgien, Irak og Ukraine.

Their status in Turkey is interesting and little explored. Deres status i Tyrkiet er interessant og lidt udforsket. Similar to the situation in Iran, questions around ethnic and national identity in Turkey are highly political and difficult issues. I lighed med situationen i Iran, spørgsmål omkring etnisk og national identitet i Tyrkiet er meget følsomt og vanskeligt spørgsmål. The history of the Azeri population in today's Turkey can be traced back to the earlier periods of the Safavid era in Iran (1501-1722), when their rule extended over the current Turkish regions of Kars and neighboring areas. Historien om aserbajdsjanske befolkning i dagens Tyrkiet kan spores tilbage til de tidligere perioder af Safavid æra i Iran (1501-1722), når deres regel strakte sig over den nuværende tyrkiske regioner Kars og de omkringliggende områder. Additionally, in the course of the Gulistan (1813) and Turkmenchay (1828) treaties between Iran and Russia, a significant number of Azeris migrated to Turkey and settled in its eastern regions, particularly in Erzurum and Agri. Derudover i løbet af Gulistan (1813) og Turkmenchay (1828) traktater mellem Iran og Rusland, et betydeligt antal aserbajdsjanere flyttet til Tyrkiet og bosatte sig i dets østlige regioner, især i Erzurum og Agri. The migration of Azeris to Turkey continued during the 1920s (as a result of the overthrow of the Democratic Republic of Azerbaijan in the north and the suppression of the Shaykh Muhammad Khiabani Movement in the south); the late 1940s (after the suppression of Mir Ja'far Pishevari's 21 Azar Movement in southern Azerbaijan in 1946); the 1980s (as a result of the Islamic Revolution in Iran and the subsequent Iran-Iraq War); as well as in the 1990s, after the disintegration of the Soviet Union and the independence of northern Azerbaijan. Migrationen af aserbajdsjanere til Tyrkiet fortsatte i 1920'erne (som følge af omstyrtelsen af Den Demokratiske Republik Aserbajdsjan i nord og undertrykkelsen af Shaykh Muhammad Khiabani bevægelse i syd); slutningen af 1940'erne (efter undertrykkelsen af Mir Ja »langt Pishevari's 21 Azar Movement i det sydlige Aserbajdsjan i 1946); 1980'erne (som følge af den islamiske revolution i Iran og den efterfølgende Iran-Irak-krigen), samt i 1990'erne, efter opløsningen af Sovjetunionen og uafhængighed i det nordlige Aserbajdsjan. In general, the Azeri population in Turkey is considered well-integrated into Turkish society, mainly due to cultural and linguistic affinities between the Azeri and Anatolian Turks. Generelt er det aserbajdsjanske befolkning i Tyrkiet betragtes velintegrerede i det tyrkiske samfund, især på grund af kulturelle og sproglige tilhørsforhold mellem aserbajdsjanske-og anatolske tyrkere. Nevertheless, differences still remain in the areas of religion (Azeris are mainly Shi'a, whereas Anatolian Turks are mostly Sunni Muslims), dialect, and self-conception in terms of historical memory and ethnic/national consciousness. Ikke desto mindre er stadig forskelle i de områder af religion (aserbajdsjanere er hovedsagelig Shi'a, mens anatolske tyrkerne er for det meste sunni muslimer), dialekt, og selvforståelse i form af historiske hukommelse og etnisk / nationale bevidsthed.

In The Ancient History of Iranian Turks , Professor MT Zehtabi traced the origin of current Azeris to ancient Sumerian and Ilamite civilizations, dating back over 5,000 years. I The Ancient History of iranske tyrkere, professor MT Zehtabi spores oprindelse nuværende aserbajdsjanere til det gamle sumeriske og Ilamite civilisationer, der stammer tilbage over 5.000 år. Through archeological and linguistic evidence, Zehtabi has shown that today's Azeris are remnants of such racial and ethnic components as the ancient Ilamites, Medes, and other agglutinative language peoples such as the Kassies, Gutties, Lullubies, and Hurraies. ^[3] Gennem arkæologiske og sproglige beviser, har Zehtabi vist, at nutidens aserbajdsjanere er rester af en sådan race og etnisk komponenter som de gamle Ilamites, Medes og andre agglutinerende sprog folk såsom Kassies, Gutties, Lullubies, og Hurraies. ^[3]

According to other sources, three different ethnic components have participated in the formation and evolution of the Azeri people: first, the Medes, who were mainly concentrated in southern Azerbaijan; second, the Aran-Albanese, who were living in the north; and third, the Turks, who have been living in various parts of Azerbaijan from ancient times and whose number constantly increased due to the migration of Turkic tribes from central Asia, particularly after the Islamization of the region. ^[4] Ifølge andre kilder, tre forskellige etniske elementer har deltaget i dannelsen og udviklingen af aserbajdsjanske folk: for det første Medes, som var hovedsageligt koncentreret i den sydlige del Aserbajdsjan, for det andet, Aran-Albanese, som boede i den nordlige del og for det tredje , tyrkerne, som har boet i forskellige dele af Aserbajdsjan fra oldtiden, og hvor antallet steget konstant som følge af migration af tyrkiske stammer fra Centralasien, især efter islamisering af regionen. ^[4]

Two thousand five hundred and sixty-six years years ago, Azerbaijan was conquered by the Persian emperor Cyrus the Great. To tusinde fem hundrede and sixty-six år år siden blev Aserbajdsjan erobret af den persiske kejser Cyrus den Store. Two hundred and twenty-nine years later, Alexander the Great defeated the Persians and conquered Azerbaijan. To hundrede og tyve-ni år senere, besejret Alexander den Store perserne og erobrede Aserbajdsjan. Three centuries after that, it was occupied by the Roman Empire. Tre århundreder efter, at var det besat af det romerske imperium. Azerbaijan was thereafter ruled by the Roman Empire, the Persian Empire, and the Confederation of Caucasian Turks. ^[5] Within the space of 10 years, after the death of Muhammad in the year 632, around 30,000 Muslim Arabs attacked and conquered Iran, overthrowing the decaying Sassanid Empire. Aserbajdsjan blev derefter regeret af det romerske imperium, det persiske imperium, og sammenslutningen af kaukasiske tyrkerne. ^[5] I løbet af 10 år, efter Muhammeds død i år 632, omkring 30.000 muslimske arabere angrebet og erobret Iran, omstyrte den rådnende Sassanid Empire. Azerbaijan became a part of the new Muslim empire, though resistance against the Arab invasion in northern and central Azerbaijan continued throughout the ninth century. Aserbajdsjan blev en del af den nye muslimske imperium, selvom modstand mod den arabiske invasion i det nordlige og centrale Aserbajdsjan fortsatte i det niende århundrede.

In 837, the Arabs conquered the Castle of Babak, a stronghold for a powerful resistance movement in central Azerbaijan and established their dominion all over Azerbaijan. ^[6] The region was Islamized. I 837, arabere erobrede Slot Babak, en højborg for en magtfuld modstandsbevægelse i det centrale Aserbajdsjan og etablerede deres herredømme over hele Aserbajdsjan. ^[6] Regionen blev islamiseret. Towards the end of the seventh century, a local dynasty known as Shirvanshahs ruled northern Azerbaijan from 668 through 1539, when they were incorporated into the Safavid Empire, once more becoming unified with the south. ^[7] Through this reunification, Azerbaijan again had economic, cultural, and linguistic autonomy as an integrated whole well into the early nineteenth century. Mod slutningen af det syvende århundrede, en lokal dynasti kendt som Shirvanshahs udelukkes nordlige Aserbajdsjan fra 668 gennem 1539, da de blev indarbejdet i Safavid Empire, endnu en gang at blive forenet med den sydlige del. ^[7] Gennem denne genforening igen Aserbajdsjan havde økonomiske , kulturelle og sproglige selvstændighed som en integreret helhed godt stykke ind i begyndelsen af det nittende århundrede.

In the early nineteenth century, Iran (and the region of Azerbaijan in particular) was twice invaded by Russia. I begyndelsen af det nittende århundrede, var Iran (og regionen Aserbajdsjan især) to gange invaderet af Rusland. As a result, the vast territory of northern Azerbaijan, or what is now the independent Republic of Azerbaijan, was annexed to the Russian Empire by way of the Gulistan (1813) and Turkmenchay (1828) treaties. Som en følge heraf er langt område i det nordlige Aserbajdsjan, eller hvad nu uafhængig Republikken Aserbajdsjan, var knyttet til de russiske imperium i form af den Gulistan (1813) og Turkmenchay (1828) traktater. This annexation by no means crushed the aspirations of Azeris for independence and autonomous nationhood. Denne anneksion på ingen måde knust forhåbninger aserbajdsjanere for uafhængighed og selvstændig nation. In the chaotic revolutionary atmosphere of 1917 that resulted in the Russian Empire's collapse, Azerbaijanis proclaimed their independence on March 28, 1918. I den kaotiske revolutionære atmosfære i 1917, der resulterede i det russiske imperium's sammenbrud, som blev proklameret aserbajdsjaneres deres uafhængighed den 28. marts 1918. As early as mid-1918, the Azerbaijani republic passed a law that provided for democracy through free and direct elections, proportional representation, and universal suffrage, making Azerbaijan the first country in the history of Islamic nations ever to enfranchise women. Så tidligt som i midten af 1918, den aserbajdsjanske republik vedtaget en lov, der er fastsat for demokrati gennem frie og direkte valg, proportional repræsentation, og den almindelige valgret, hvilket gør Aserbajdsjan det første land i historien om islamiske nationer nogensinde enfranchise kvinder. Teaching and learning the mother tongue in the school system became mandatory, and Azeri became Azerbaijan's national language. Undervisning og læring på modersmålet i skolesystemet blev obligatorisk, og Azeri blev Aserbajdsjans nationale sprog. In I

April 1920, the Red Army occupied Azerbaijan and overthrew the democratically elected Azeri government, putting an end to this brief experience in independent nationhood. April 1920, besatte den Røde Hær Aserbajdsjan og væltede den demokratisk valgte aserbajdsjanske regering, sætte en stopper for denne korte erfaring i uafhængig nation.

The annexation of northern Azerbaijan by Russia notwithstanding, the southern region of Azerbaijan still continued to enjoy a relatively autonomous status, particularly in trade and commerce as well as in culture and language. Annektering af det nordlige Aserbajdsjan fra Rusland trods den sydlige region i Aserbajdsjan stadig fortsatte med at nyde en forholdsvis selvstændig status, især inden for handel og handel samt i kultur og sprog. However, with the coming to power in 1921 of Reza Khan and the subsequent establishment of the absolute monarchism of the Pahlavi dynasty in Iran, southern Azerbaijan's regional, economic, linguistic, and cultural autonomy came to an end. Men med den kom til magten i 1921 af Reza Khan og den efterfølgende etablering af den absolutte monarkisme af Pahlavi dynastiet i Iran, det sydlige Aserbajdsjans regionale, økonomiske, sproglige og kulturelle autonomi kom til en ende. Through Reza Khan's harsh centralization policy, the hitherto independent region of Azerbaijan now became divided into a number of dependent "Ostans" or provinces. ^[8] Gennem Reza Khan's barske centralisering politik, der hidtil har været uafhængige regionen Aserbajdsjan blev nu opdelt i en række afhængig "Ostans" eller provinser. ^[8]

The Pahlavi dynasty ruled in Iran for well over half a century. Det Pahlavi dynastiet regerede i Iran for et godt stykke over et halvt århundrede. Throughout this period, a policy of forced assimilation aimed at the creation of a homogeneous Farsi-speaking nation. I hele denne periode, en politik med tvungen assimilering med henblik på oprettelsen af et homogent Persisk-talende nation. As a consequence, the publication of newspapers, magazines, and books in the Azeri language was prohibited, and the people of Azerbaijan were denied the right to educate in their own language. ^[9] In 1979, the Pahlavi regime was overthrown, and subsequently the Islamic Republic was formed. Som en konsekvens, udgivelse af aviser, magasiner og bøger i aserbajdsjanske sprog var forbudt, og folk i Aserbajdsjan blev nægtet retten til at uddanne i deres eget sprog. ^[9] I 1979 Pahlavi regimet blev væltet, og derefter Den Islamiske Republik blev dannet. The shah's sponsored Persian nationalistic ideology was briefly overshadowed by an emerging "anti-nationalist" Islamic ideology with his fall. Shahens sponsoreret persiske nationalistisk ideologi blev kortvarigt overskygget af en spirende "anti-nationalistisk" islamisk ideologi med hans fald. In the revolutionary atmosphere of the time, various ethnic demands and movements began to emerge. I den revolutionære atmosfære af tiden, forskellige etniske krav og bevægelser begyndte at opstå. Yet upon consolidating its power bases, the new regime suppressed the demands of various nationalities for cultural and linguistic rights. Men efter at konsolidere sin magt baser, den nye ordning undertrykt krav forskellige nationaliteter for den kulturelle og sproglige rettigheder. Identifying the Persian language as "the second language of Islam," the new regime vigorously continued to enforce the ban imposed on non-Persian languages during the Pahlavi era, notwithstanding that its own constitution allowed for the teaching and learning of non-Farsi languages. Identifikation af persiske sprog som "det andet sprog i islam," den nye ordning energisk fortsat at håndhæve forbuddet mod ikke-persiske sprog under Pahlavi æra, uanset at dens egen forfatning tilladt for undervisning og indlæring af ikke-Persisk sprog.

In August 1991, after the disintegration of the Soviet Union, the formation of an independent Azerbaijani nation-state was declared north of the Iranian borders. I august 1991, efter opløsningen af Sovjetunionen var dannelsen af en uafhængig aserbajdsjanske nation-state erklæret nord for den iranske grænser. Realizing the importance of such an event to the southern Azeris, the Iranian regime pursued a hostile relationship with the Republic of Azerbaijan, seeking to undermine its credibility, image, and achievements at every opportunity--particularly through state-run media outlets. ^[10] Indser betydningen af en sådan hændelse til den sydlige aserbajdsjanere, det iranske regime ført en fjendtlig forhold til Republikken Aserbajdsjan, der søger at undergrave dens troværdighed, image, og resultater ved enhver lejlighed - bl.a. gennem statsejede medier. ^{[10 ]}

LANGUAGE, LITERATURE, AND IDENTITY Sprog, litteratur og identitet

In present-day Iran, in addition to the three Azeri provinces of Ardabil and Eastern and Western Azerbaijan, Azeri-Turkic is also spoken in Zanjan, Hamadan, Arak, Saveh, and northern Khorasan. ^[11] Moreover, Azeri-Turkic is spoken by the Qashqayi Turks as well as by various other Turkic-speaking peoples concentrated in the province of Fars and in central Iran. I dagens Iran, ud over de tre Azeri provinserne Ardabil og østlige og vestlige Aserbajdsjan, Azeri-tyrkiske er også i tales i Zanjan, Hamadan, Arak, Saveh, og det nordlige Khorasan. ^[11] Desuden-tyrkisk er Azeri tales af Qashqayi tyrkerne samt forskellige andre tyrkisktalende-talende folk koncentreret i provinsen Fars og i det centrale Iran. In addition to the northern Republic of Azerbaijan, Azeri is also the indigenous language of Turkic peoples in Iraq and Eastern Anatolia. ^[12] Ud over den nordlige Republikken Aserbajdsjan, er Azeri også de indfødte sprog tyrkiske folk i Irak og det østlige Anatolien. ^[12]

The origin of written Azeri literature can be traced back to the famous epic of Dede Qorqut Kitabi ( the Book of Dede Qorqud ), which originated orally in pre-Islamic Caucasia and were put into writing in the sixth or seventh century. Oprindelsen af skriftlige Azeri litteratur kan spores tilbage til den berømte episke af Dede Qorqut Kitabi (Bog Dede Qorqud), som stammer mundtligt i præ-islamiske Kaukasien og blev sat til at skrive i det sjette eller syvende århundrede. This is how the book introduces itself and its main character: Dette er, hvordan bogen introducerer sig selv og sin hovedperson:

We begin with the name of the Creator and implore his help. Vi begynder med navnet på Skaberen og bede ham om hjælp. Years before the time of the Prophet [Muhammad], there appeared in the Bayat tribe a man by the name of Qorqud Ata. År før tid af profeten [Muhammed], der dukkede op i Bayat stammen en mand ved navn Qorqud Ata. He was the wise man of the Oghuz people. Han var den kloge mand Oghuz mennesker. He used to prophesize and bring reports from the unknown world beyond, having been divinely inspired.... ^[13] Han plejede at prophesize og bringe rapporter fra det ukendte verden uden at have været guddommeligt inspireret .... ^[13]

In the course of the past two centuries, the book has been translated into many languages. I løbet af de sidste to århundreder, har bogen blevet oversat til mange sprog. In 1815, the German scholar HF Von Diez produced a German translation of the book based on a manuscript found in the Royal Library of Dresden. I 1815 producerede den tyske forsker HF Von Diez en tysk oversættelse af bogen er baseret på en håndskreven fundet i Det Kongelige Bibliotek i Dresden. In 1950, another manuscript was discovered by the Italian scholar Ettore Rossi in the Vatican library. I 1950 blev en anden manuskript opdaget af den italienske forsker Ettore Rossi i Vatikanets bibliotek. Following the German, Turkish renditions were published by Kilishli Rifat and Orhan Saik Gokyay in Istanbul in 1916 and 1938 respectively. ^[14] Professor Hamid Arasli, a well-known Azeri scholar, published the first full text of the collection in Baku in 1939, reprinted in 1962 and again in 1977. Efter den tyske, udleveringer var tyrkiske udgivet af Kilishli Rifat og Orhan Saik Gokyay i Istanbul i 1916 og 1938 henholdsvis. ^[14] Professor Hamid Arasli, en velkendt Azeri forsker, der blev offentliggjort den første fulde ordlyd af indsamlingen i Baku i 1939, genoptrykt i 1962 og igen i 1977. Following Arasli's version, the famous south Azerbaijani poet Bulut Qarachorlu--in collaboration with Professor Muhammad Ali Farzaneh--provided a unique rendition of the book in two volumes in the Arabic alphabet for southern Azerbaijani readers. Efter Arasli's version, hvis den berømte syd aserbajdsjanske digter Bulut Qarachorlu - i samarbejde med professor Muhammad Ali Farzaneh - en unik gengivelse af bogen i to bind i det arabiske alfabet for det sydlige Aserbajdsjan læsere. The first volume, entitled Sazimin Sozu ( Tales of My Lute ) was clandestinely published in Iran in the 1960s. Det første bind med titlen Sazimin Sozu (Tales of My Lut) blev hemmeligt offentliggjort i Iran i 1960'erne. The second volume, Dedemin Sozu ( Tales of my Father ) has not yet been published, although it has been widely discussed through various sources. ^[15] Det andet bind, Dedemin Sozu (Fortællinger om min far) er endnu ikke blevet offentliggjort, selv om det er blevet bredt drøftet gennem forskellige kilder. ^[15]

Aside from Dede Qorqut Kitabi , there are other common Turkic works, such as Diwan Lughat at-Turk written by Mahmud of Kashghar in 1072-73 and Qutadghu Bilig written by Yusuf Khas Hajeb in 1077, that bear witness to the early literary works in the Azerbaijani language. Bortset fra Dede Qorqut Kitabi, der er andre fælles tyrkisk værker, såsom Diwan Lughat at-Turk, skrevet af Mahmud af Kashghar i 1072-73 og Qutadghu Bilig skrevet af Yusuf Khas Hajeb i 1077, der bærer vidnesbyrd om den tidlige litterære værker i aserbajdsjanske sprog. Around the eleventh and twelfth centuries, Azeri language and literature flourished under the rule of Shirvanshahs. Omkring elvte og tolvte århundrede, Azeri sprog og litteratur blomstrede under reglen om Shirvanshahs. Among the leading representatives of Azeri literature in this period were such prominent figures as Qetran of Tabriz, Mekhseti Khanum, Khaqani of Shirvan, and Nizami of Ganja. Blandt de førende repræsentanter for Azeri litteratur i denne periode var af en sådan fremtrædende personligheder som Qetran af Tabriz, Mekhseti Khanum, Khaqani af Shirvan, og Nizami af ganja. Nizami's well-known Quintuple , Seven Beauties , Khosrow va Shirin , Iskandar-Nameh , Tohfatul Iraqein ( Gifts from Iraq ), and other works are among the Islamic world's classical literary heritage. Nizami velkendte Quintuple, Seven Beauties, Khosrow va Shirin, Iskandar-Nameh, Tohfatul Iraqein (Gaver fra Irak), og andre værker er blandt de islamiske verdens klassiske litterære arv. Although Nizami did not produce his work in the Azeri language, his narratives are nonetheless rooted in Azeri culture and tradition.Thirteenth and fourteenth century Azerbaijan witnessed the birth of Hasan-Oglu's famous Ghazals , Qazi Darir's Yusuf va Zuleykha , Qazi Burhan ad-Din's Divan , and Imad ad-Din Nasimi's Quatrains . Selv Nizami ikke producere sit arbejde i aserbajdsjanske sprog, fortællinger er hans alligevel rødder i azeri kultur og tradition.Thirteenth og fjortende århundrede Aserbajdsjan vidne til fødslen af Hasan-Oglu berømte Ghazals, Qazi Darir's Yusuf va Zuleykha, Qazi Burhan ad-Din's Divan , og Imad ad-Din Nasimi's Quatrains. An outstanding Hurufi philosopher, mystic, and poet, Nasimi left an inerasable mark on Azeri philosophy, literature, and culture. ^[16] His poetry's artistry, depth, and veracity have gained Nasimi a lasting place among the pioneering literary figures in the Islamic world. En fremragende Hurufi filosof, mystiker og digter, Nasimi venstre en inerasable præg på aserbajdsjanske filosofi, litteratur og kultur. ^[16] Hans poesi er kunst, dybde og pålidelighed har fået Nasimi en varig plads blandt de banebrydende litterære figurer i den islamiske verden . In effect, Nasimi's language marks the emergence of a distinct language and literature unique to Azerbaijan. I realiteten, mærker Nasimi sprog fremkomsten af et særskilt sprog og litteratur unikke til Aserbajdsjan. In the words of MF Koprulu, "although Nasimi was not unfamiliar with the dialect of Anatolia, he used that of the Azeri Turkic more often." ^[17] I ord MF Koprulu, "skønt Nasimi ikke var bekendt med den dialekt af Anatolien, brugte han, at de aserbajdsjanske tyrkisk oftere." ^[17]

Koprulu's observation has been confirmed by M. Ergin, who makes similar remarks regarding the language of Qazi Burhan al-Din, a contemporary of Nasimi and another forerunner in the fourteenth century Azeri literary scene. Koprulu bemærkning er blevet bekræftet af M. Ergin, som gør lignende bemærkninger om det sprog, Qazi Burhan al-Din, en jævnaldrende med Nasimi og en anden forløber i det fjortende århundrede aserbajdsjanske litterære scene. "Qazi Burhan ad-Din's language," writes Ergin, "Qazi Burhan ad-Din sprog," skriver Ergin,

does differ from the Anatolian texts and bears certain of the distinguishing features of Azeri-Turkic, which gave promise of its becoming a separate language. adskiller sig fra den anatolske tekster og bærer nogle af de særlige kendetegn ved Azeri-tyrkisk, der gav løfte om at det bliver et særskilt sprog. In view of this, it is not far off the mark to consider it the product of the period when the Azeri Turkic dialect was heading straight towards separation. ^[18] På baggrund af dette, er det ikke langt fra mærket på, at det er produktet af den periode, hvor aserbajdsjanske tyrkiske dialekt var på vej direkte mod adskillelse. ^[18]

Devoting his life struggling for freedom of expression, Nasimi boldly attacked rigid regulations and religious bigotry through his poetry. Afsætter sit liv kæmper for ytringsfrihed, Nasimi dristigt angreb stive regler og religiøse fanatisme gennem hans poesi. For his pains, he was skinned alive at the bazaar in the town of Heleb (Aleppo). For hans smerter var han flået levende på bazaaren i byen Heleb (Aleppo).

Azeri language and literature continued to develop and evolve during the fifteenth century, when the houses of Qara Qoyunlu and Aq Qoyunlu ruled in southern Azerbaijan and Iran. Aserbajdsjanske sprog og litteratur fortsat med at udvikle og udvikle sig i løbet af det femtende århundrede, da husene i Qara Qoyunlu og Aq Qoyunlu regerede i det sydlige Aserbajdsjan og Iran. To this period belong such literary figures as Jahanshah Qaraqoyunlu (Haqiqi), Habibi, and Sheyx Qasim Enver, among many others. Denne periode hører de litterære figurer som Jahanshah Qaraqoyunlu (Haqiqi), Habibi, og Sheyx Qasim Enver, blandt mange andre. The sixteenth century saw the establishment of Safavid rule in Iran. Den sekstende århundrede blev der etableret Safavid regel i Iran. The founder of this new dynasty, Shah Ismail, was a great lover of poetry and literature. Grundlæggeren af dette nye dynasti, Shah Ismail, var en stor elsker af poesi og litteratur. Azeri was the main language in his court, followed by Farsi and Arabic. Aserbajdsjanske var den vigtigste sprog i sin ret, efterfulgt af Persisk og arabisk. Under the pen name Khatayi, Shah Ismail produced his famous Divani Xetayi in Azeri-Turkic. Under pseudonymet Khatayi, Ismail produceret Shah sin berømte Divani Xetayi i Azeri-tyrkisk. Moreover, a unique literary style known as "Qoshma" was introduced in this period, utilized and developed by Shah Ismail and later on by his successor Shah Tahmasp. ^[19] Desuden er en unik litterær stil, som kendes som "Qoshma" blev indført i denne periode, udnyttes og udvikles af Shah Ismail og senere af hans efterfølger Shah Tahmasp. ^[19]

Paralleling Azeri written literature, various forms of folk and oral literature were also developing during this period. Parallelt aserbajdsjanske skrevet litteratur, forskellige former for folkemusik og mundtlige litteratur var også ved at udvikle i løbet af denne periode. Included in Azeri folk literature were numerous forms of tales, proverbs, and sayings peculiar to Azerbaijan such as Bayati , Sayaji , and Duzgi . Inkluderet i aserbajdsjanske folk litteratur var mange former for eventyr, ordsprog, og ordsprog er særlige for Aserbajdsjan som Bayati, Sayaji, og Duzgi. The sixteenth century was characterized by the rapid growth of Azerbaijan's folk literature. Den sekstende århundrede var præget af den hurtige vækst i Aserbajdsjans folk litteratur. Such famous masterpieces as Kor-Ogli , Esli-Kerem , Shah Ismail , and Ashiq Qerib were created during this period. Sådanne berømte mesterværker som Kor-Ogli, Esli-Kerem, Shah Ismail, og Ashiq Qerib blev skabt i denne periode. Indigenous Azerbaijani minstrels, bards, and Ashiq poetry also flourished during this time. ^[20] Oprindelige aserbajdsjanske musikanter, skjalde, og Ashiq poesi også blomstrede i denne periode. ^[20]

Muhammad Fuzuli (1498-1556), the renowned Azeri philosopher and poet, emerged at this time. Muhammad Fuzuli (1498-1556), den berømte aserbajdsjanske filosof og digter, dukkede på dette tidspunkt. Masterfully building upon the legacy of his predecessors, Fuzuli became the unrivaled literary figure. Mesterligt bygger på arven fra sine forgængere Fuzuli blev uovertrufne litterære figur. His major works in Azeri include The Divan of Ghazals , The Qasidas , and the poem Leyla ve Majnoon , among others. Hans hovedværker i Azeri omfatter The Divan af Ghazals, The Qasidas, og digtet Leyla ve Majnoon, blandt andre. Fuzuli's poetry manifested the spirit of a profound humanism, reflecting the discontent of both the masses and the poet himself towards totalitarianism, feudal lords, and establishment religion. Fuzuli poesi udtryk for ånden i en dyb humanisme, som afspejler utilfredshed både masserne og digteren selv i retning af totalitarisme, feudalherrer, og etablering religion. From a linguistic perspective, his poetry marked a turning point in the development of the Azeri language. Fra et sprogligt perspektiv, præget hans digtning et vendepunkt i udviklingen af den aserbajdsjanske sprog. In her pioneering work on Azeri literature, titled Azeri and Persian Literary Works in Twentieth Century Azerbaijan , Professor Sakina Berengian rightly identifies Fuzuli "as both the Ferdowsi and Hafez of Azeri literature." ^[21] According to Berengian, it was in Fuzuli's hands "that the Azeri language was brought to maturity and it was in his works that Azeri classical poetry attained its ultimate refinement." ^[22] I hendes banebrydende arbejde med Azeri litteratur med titlen azeri og persisk litteratur i det tyvende århundrede Aserbajdsjan, professor Sakina Berengian peger med rette på Fuzuli "som både Ferdowsi og Hafez af Azeri litteratur." ^[21] Ifølge Berengian, var det i Fuzuli's hænder " at aserbajdsjanske sprog blev bragt til modenhed, og det var i hans værker, Azeri klassisk poesi nået sine ultimative raffinement. " ^[22]

In the seventeenth century, Fuzuli's unique genre was taken up by such prominent poets and writers as Saeb and Qovsi of Tabriz, Shah Abbas Sani, Amani, Zafar, and many others. I det syttende århundrede blev Fuzuli unikke genre optages af sådanne fremtrædende digtere og forfattere som Saeb og Qovsi af Tabriz, Shah Abbas Sani, Amani, Zafar, og mange andre. Thus, the development of Azeri literature and language continued well into the nineteenth century, when the Qajars ruled Iran. Således udvikling af aserbajdsjanske litteratur og sprog fortsatte langt ind i det nittende århundrede, da Qajars udelukkes Iran. Nineteenth-century Azerbaijan was characterized by the separation, in 1828, of the northern segment of Azerbaijan and its annexation to the Russian Empire. Nittende århundrede Aserbajdsjan var karakteriseret ved separation i 1828, i den nordlige del af Aserbajdsjan og annektering til det russiske imperium. According to a veteran Azeri scholar, Dr. Javad Heyat, the separation of northern Azerbaijan did not mean the severing of ties among Azeris. Ifølge en veteran Azeri forsker, har Dr. Javad Heyat adskillelsen af den nordlige Aserbajdsjan ikke betyde løsrivningsprocessen blandt aserbajdsjanere. Far from it; this separation gave birth to a unique genre of literature and poetry "whose subject is the theme of separation between brothers." ^[23] In his famous poem, " Hesret " ("Longing"), Kamran Mehdi captured the feelings of Azerbaijanis regarding this forced separation: "True, the Araz divides a nation/But the earth underneath is one!" ^[24] Langt fra det, denne adskillelse fødte en unik genre i litteratur og poesi ", hvis emne er temaet for adskillelse mellem brødre." ^[23] I sit berømte digt, Hesret "" ("Longing"), Mehdi fanget Kamran følelser af aserbajdsjaneres om denne tvungne adskillelse: "True, den Araz deler en nation / Men jorden nedenunder er en!" ^[24]

The early twentieth century marked the beginning of a new national and social consciousness in Azerbaijan. Begyndelsen af det tyvende århundrede markerede begyndelsen på en ny national og social bevidsthed i Aserbajdsjan. Influenced by various literary and sociopolitical trends in the wake of the Russian Revolution of 1905 and the Iranian Constitutional Revolution (1905-1911), Azeri writers, intellectuals, and poets began to revolutionize the Azerbaijani as well as the Iranian sociocultural landscape. Påvirket af forskellige litterære og socialpolitiske tendenser i kølvandet på den russiske revolution i 1905 og den iranske Konstitutionelle Revolution (1905-1911), Azeri forfattere, intellektuelle og digtere begyndte at revolutionere den aserbajdsjanske samt den iranske sociokulturelle landskab. Fethali Akhundzadeh introduced drama into Iranian literature. Fethali Akhundzadeh indført drama i iransk litteratur. Taliboff and Zeynal-Abedin of Maragheh laid the foundation of modern creative prose, social criticism, and literary realism hitherto unknown in Iran. Taliboff og Zeynal-Abedin af Maragheh lagde fundamentet for moderne kreative prosa, social kritik, og litterære realisme hidtil ukendt i Iran. At the same time, Jelil Memet Quluzadeh and Aliakber Saber produced their leading social and political satires, widely spread through the now internationally renowned paper, Molla Nesred-Din . ^[25] Samtidig, Memet Quluzadeh og Aliakber Saber produceret Jelil deres førende sociale og politiske satirer, spredt gennem den nu internationalt kendte papir, Molla Nesred-Din. ^[25]

Northern Azerbaijan also produced such literary giants as Semed Vurghun, Suleyman Rustem, Resul Reza, Mir Jalal Pashayev, Enver Memedxanli, and many others. Northern Aserbajdsjan også produceret de litterære giganter som Semed Vurghun, Suleyman Rustem, resul Reza, Mir Jalal Pashayev, Enver Memedxanli, og mange andre. In Tabriz, Mirza Hasan Rushdiyyeh laid down the foundation for modern schooling and pedagogy. I Tabriz, der Mirza Hasan Rushdiyyeh ned grundlaget for moderne skolegang og pædagogik. He wrote and used the first modern textbooks in the history of Iran, entitled Veten Dili ( Language of Homeland ) and Ana Dili ( Mother Tongue ) in Azerbaijani schools, replacing Koranic and traditional religious texts. ^[26] Simultaneously, such poets and writers as A. Qarajadaghli, M. Hidaji, M. Xelxali, and A. Nebati promoted the ideals of social justice and democracy through their works. ^[27] With the flourishing of all these literary and cultural productions, it was not surprising that Azerbaijan became the center of Iran's Constitutional Revolution. Han skrev og brugte de første moderne lærebøger i historie Iran, der har overskriften Veten Dili (Language of Homeland) og Ana Dili (modersmål) aserbajdsjansk skoler, der erstatter Koranen og de traditionelle religiøse tekster. ^[26] Samtidig så digtere og forfattere som A. Qarajadaghli, M. Hidaji, M. Xelxali, og A. Nebati fremmet idealer om social retfærdighed og demokrati gennem deres værker. ^[27] Med opblomstringen af alle disse litterære og kulturelle produktioner, var det ikke overraskende, at Aserbajdsjan blev center af Irans Konstitutionelle Revolution.

This rich literary legacy reached its climax in contemporary times in Muhammad-Husayn Shahryar's (1905-1988) poetry, particularly in his masterpiece " Heyderbabaya Salam " ("Greetings to Heydar Baba"). ^[28] Cherished by both the northern and southern Azerbaijanis, this work brings together various cultural and literary tendencies in a single genre, emphasizing the common origin of Azerbaijani language, literature, culture, and identity. Denne rige litterære arv nåede sit højdepunkt i moderne tider i Muhammad-Husayn Shahryar's (1905-1988) poesi, især i hans mesterværk "Heyderbabaya Salam" ("Hilsen til Heydar Baba"). ^[28] næret af både den nordlige og sydlige aserbajdsjaneres , dette arbejde samler forskellige kulturelle og litterære tendenser i en enkelt genre, der understreger fælles oprindelse aserbajdsjanske sprog, litteratur, kultur og identitet. This provided a major building block for the construction of a unified and unifying identity. Dette gav en stor byggesten til opførelse af en forenet og forenende identitet.

The continuous development of this literary and cultural tradition, despite interruptions, is a strong indicator of a deep-rooted awareness on the part of Azerbaijanis regarding their language, nationality, culture, history, and heritage. Den fortsatte udvikling af denne litterære og kulturelle tradition, på trods af afbrydelser, er en stærk indikator for et dybt rodfæstet bevidsthed om den del af aserbajdsjaneres med hensyn til deres sprog, nationalitet, kultur, historie og kulturarv.

THE AZERI DIASPORA THE Azeri diaspora

The Azeri diaspora is a comparatively new phenomenon, rooted in a roughly three-decade long history of migration. Den aserbajdsjanske diaspora er en forholdsvis nyt fænomen, har rod i en nogenlunde tre årti lange historie migration. It owes its existence to the 1978-1979 Islamic Revolution in Iran; the demise of the Soviet Union, and the establishment of the Republic of Azerbaijan in 1991. Det skylder sin eksistens til 1978-1979 islamiske revolution i Iran; forsvinden i Sovjetunionen, og oprettelsen af Republikken Aserbajdsjan i 1991. During and after the Islamic Revolution, waves of mass migration took place, partly because of violations of human rights in Iran, partly as a result of the eight-year war with Iraq, and partly due to the worldwide impact of globalization, along with a whole set of economic and developmental factors. ^[29] This trend still continues, albeit on a much smaller scale. ^[30] Under og efter den islamiske revolution, bølger af masseindvandring fandt sted, dels på grund af krænkelser af menneskerettighederne i Iran, dels som følge af de otte år lange krig med Irak, og dels på grund af den verdensomspændende virkninger af globaliseringen, sammen med en helt sæt af økonomiske og udviklingsmæssige faktorer. ^[29] Denne tendens fortsætter, omend i langt mindre målestok. ^[30]

The demise of the Soviet Union and the independence of northern Azerbaijan significantly contributed to the formation of an Azeri diaspora. Lukningen af Sovjetunionen og uafhængighed i det nordlige Aserbajdsjan bidraget væsentligt til dannelsen af en Azeri diaspora. With the coming of independence, the Iron Curtain was lifted and the hitherto isolated Azerbaijani society was exposed to the outside world in an unprecedented way. Med den kommende uafhængighed, blev jerntæppet løftes, og hidtil isolerede aserbajdsjanske samfund blev udsat for omverdenen i en hidtil uset måde. As a result, many Azeris were, for the first time, accorded the opportunity to travel or migrate. Som følge heraf blev mange aserbajdsjanere, for første gang, indrømmes mulighed for at rejse eller flytte.

The coming of independence also coincided with the outbreak of war between Azerbaijan and the Republic of Armenia over the enclave of Nagorno-Qarabagh. De kommende selvstændighed også faldt sammen med udbruddet af krigen mellem Aserbajdsjan og Republikken Armenien om enklaven Nagorno-Qarabagh. The Azerbaijani republic was forced to cope with about 800,000 displaced persons. Den aserbajdsjanske republik blev tvunget til at klare omkring 800.000 fordrevne. In effect, one out of every ten Azerbaijani citizens became a refugee. I realiteten blev en ud af hver ti aserbajdsjanske borgere en flygtning. A new wave of Azeri (mass) migration took place during the first five years of independence, to be followed by future small-scale migrations. En ny bølge af Azeri (masse) migration fandt sted i de første fem år af uafhængighed, der skal følges ved fremtidige små vandringer.

In addition, hundreds of thousands of Azeri citizens of the former Soviet Union who lived in Russia, Georgia, and Ukraine were now "immigrants" living in someone else's country. Hertil kommer, hundredtusinder af Azeri borgere i det tidligere Sovjetunionen, som boede i Rusland, Georgien og Ukraine var nu "indvandrere", der bor i andres land.

These issues provide a basis for multiple potential identities for a people known as Azeris (in Arabic sources); Azeri-Turks (in Turkish sources); or Turks (in Persian sources). Disse spørgsmål danner grundlag for flere potentielle identiteter for et folk kendt som aserbajdsjanere (på arabisk kilder); azeri-tyrkere (på tyrkisk kilder), eller tyrkere (på persisk kilder). In recent years, additional designations have emerged due to the changing geopolitical situation, adding such terms as: Iranian-Turk, Azerbaijani-Turk, North-Azerbaijani-Turk, South-Azerbaijani-Turk, and Azerbaijani. I de seneste år har yderligere udpegninger opstået på grund af ændrede geopolitiske situation, at tilføje sådanne vilkår som: Iranske-Turk, aserbajdsjansk-Turk, Nord-aserbajdsjanske-Turk, Syd-aserbajdsjanske-Turk, og aserbajdsjanske.

This situation poses a major challenge to individuals of Azerbaijani heritage in articulating a common identity applicable both to the Azeri people on either side of the Araz River and to the Azeri diaspora. Denne situation udgør en stor udfordring for enkeltpersoner aserbajdsjanske arv at formulere en fælles identitet gælder både de aserbajdsjanske folk på begge sider af Araz River og Azeri diaspora. Which term, which label, which designation best defines such an inclusive identity? Hvilket sigt, hvilket mærke, som udpegelsen bedst definerer sådan et rummeligt identitet? Can all of these be used as different manifestations of the same identity, or is there a need to choose a single one? Kan alle disse bruges som forskellige manifestationer af den samme identitet, eller er der behov for at vælge en enkelt?

A PAN-ETHNIC IDENTITY: "WE ALL ARE TURKS" En PAN-etniske identitet: "vi alle er TURKS"

In its current usage, the term "Turk" defines the ethnic/linguistic/national identity of the majority of people in the Republic of Turkey. I sin nuværende skik, udtrykket "Turk" definerer etniske / sproglige / nationale identitet de fleste mennesker i Republikken Tyrkiet. It also defines the ethnic/cultural/linguistic identity of other groups and communities throughout Central Asia, Caucasia, the Mediterranean, the Middle East, and the Balkans, who loosely use the term to refer to their ethnic affiliation. Den definerer også de etniske / kulturelle / sproglige identitet andre grupper og samfund i hele Centralasien, Kaukasien, Middelhavsområdet, Mellemøsten og Balkan, der løseligt bruge udtrykket til at henvise til deres etniske tilhørsforhold. One of the earliest sources that makes mention of the term "Turk" is an encyclopedia entitled Diwan-i Lughãt at-Turk , written by Mehmud of Kashger in 1072-1073. En af de tidligste kilder, der gør nævner udtrykket "Tyrken" er en ret encyklopædi Diwan-i Lughãt at-Turk, skrevet af Mehmud af Kashger i 1072-1073. In this book, the author traces the genealogy of the word "Turk" back to the time of Noah and claims "Turk" to be the name of one of Noah's sons. ^[31] There are also references to "Turk" and its variations such as "tu-kiu," "tur-kiut," "tur-kiu," "turku," "turukh," "durukh," and "turuk" in some ancient Assyrian, Chinese, and Japanese sources. ^[32] I denne bog, forfatteren spor af slægtsforskning af ordet "Turk" tilbage til tidspunktet for Noah og påstande "Turk" for at være navnet på en af Noas sønner. ^[31] Der er også henvisninger til "Turk" og dens variationer såsom "tu-KIE", "tur-kiut", "tur-KIE", "Turku," turukh "," durukh "og" turuk "i nogle gamle assyriske, kinesiske og japanske kilder. ^[32]

As far as recent written history is concerned, various sources indicate that the majority of Azerbaijan's inhabitants and others have consistently referred to themselves as Turks. For så vidt angår de seneste skrevne historie er berørt, forskellige kilder tyder på, at størstedelen af Aserbajdsjans indbyggere og andre konsekvent har omtalt sig selv som tyrkere. In Persian literature, the term Turk and the Turks themselves--in fact, everything Turkic--has been demonized. På persisk litteratur, udtrykket Turk og tyrkerne selv - i virkeligheden har alt tyrkisk - blevet dæmoniseret. The Turks have been associated with savagery, barbarism, bloodshed, pillage, stupidity, and backwardness. ^[33] In the relatively relaxed atmosphere of recent years, some Azeri scholars and activists have started the process of reclaiming their Turkic identity. Tyrkerne har været forbundet med vildskab, barbari, blodsudgydelse, plyndring, dumhed, og tilbageståenhed. ^[33] I den forholdsvis afslappede atmosfære i de seneste år, Azeri forskere og aktivister har nogle startede processen for tilbagekrævning deres tyrkiske identitet. This also marks the beginning of the usage of "Turk" as a local identity. Dette markerer også starten af brugen af "Turk" som en lokal identitet.

A LOCAL IDENTITY: "WE ARE IRANIAN TURKS" En lokal identitet: "WE ARE iranske TURKS"

The designation "Iranian-Turk" exists in the context of Iran and the Persian effort to define ethnic groups as existing in that country's context. ^[34] To the extent that the Turkic identity is demonized and dehumanized in Iran, Iranian Turks built up this identity in an attempt to counter the attacks leveled against them. Betegnelsen "iransk-Turk" eksisterer i forbindelse med Iran og Den Persiske indsats for at definere etniske grupper som findes i landets sammenhæng. ^[34] I det omfang, at de tyrkiske identitet er dæmoniseret og dehumaniseret i Iran, iranske tyrkere bygget op på denne identitet i et forsøg på at imødegå angrebene rettes mod dem. While various assimilatory methods such as the denial of Turkic identity and conformity to the dominant culture were adopted by some Azeri intellectuals during the Pahlavi regime, the current movement to reclaim Turkic identity is becoming increasingly popular in Azerbaijan and other parts of Iran. ^[35] Mens forskellige assimilatory metoder såsom benægtelse af tyrkisktalende identitet og overensstemmelse med den dominerende kultur blev vedtaget af nogle Azeri intellektuelle under Pahlavi regimet, løbende bevægelse hen imod genvinde tyrkiske identitet bliver mere og mere populær i Aserbajdsjan og andre dele af Iran. ^[35]

Use of "Turk" on an Iranian level has inevitably linked this identity to the larger ideology of Turkism rooted in an existing notion of pan-ethnic/pan-Turkist identity. Brug af "Turk" på en iransk plan har uundgåeligt forbundet denne identitet til de større ideologi Turkism rod i en eksisterende begrebet pan-ethnic/pan-Turkist identitet. This linkage is demonstrated through some Azerbaijanis acting as advocates of the former Ottoman Empire or current Turkish Republic against the demands that certain ethnic groups such as the Armenians and the Kurds have made against them. Denne sammenkædning er påvist gennem nogle aserbajdsjaneres optræder som talsmænd for det tidligere Osmanniske Rige eller nuværende tyrkiske Republik mod de krav, som visse etniske grupper såsom armenere og kurdere har gjort mod dem. As a result, some ethnic conflicts existing in the Turkish Republic have spilled over to Azerbaijan and are automatically made out to be an Azerbaijani issue. Som et resultat, eksisterende nogle etniske konflikter i den tyrkiske republik har spildt over til Aserbajdsjan og automatisk lavet sig at være en aserbajdsjansk område.

This understanding of pan-ethnic identity creates hostilities among ethnic groups. Denne forståelse af pan-etnisk identitet skaber fjendtlighederne mellem etniske grupper. In an article entitled "A Word with the People of South Azerbaijan," Alireza Nazmi-Afshar, a well-known Azerbaijani activist, warns that southern Azerbaijani independence from Iran would eventually lead to the independence of Kurds from Turkey and be disastrous for Turks all over the world: I en artikel med titlen "En Word med befolkningen i det sydlige Aserbajdsjan," Alireza Nazmi-Afshar, en velkendt aserbajdsjanske aktivist, advarer om, at det sydlige aserbajdsjanske uafhængighed fra Iran i sidste ende føre til uafhængighed af kurdere fra Tyrkiet og være katastrofalt for Turks alle over hele verden:

The Azerbaijanis' demand for independence from Iran, no matter how reasonable and rightful, will legitimize similar demands on the part of PKK Kurds in Turkey and Dashnak Armenians in Qarabagh.... Den aserbajdsjaneres efterspørgsel for uafhængighed fra Iran, uanset hvor fornuftig og rimelig, vil legitimere lignende krav på den del af PKK kurdere i Tyrkiet og Dashnak armeniere i Qarabagh .... Is this really what we want? Er det virkelig hvad vi ønsker? By saying this perhaps I will be accused of Pan-Turkism. Ved at sige dette måske jeg vil blive beskyldt for Pan-Turkism. But if this kind of responsibility towards other Turks and their national interests... Men hvis denne form for ansvar over for andre tyrkere og deres nationale interesser ... is Pan-Turkism... er Pan-Turkism ... then I am a Pan-Turkist. så er jeg en Pan-Turkist. I am a Pan-Turkist. Jeg er en Pan-Turkist. I am a Pan-Turkist. ^[36] Jeg er en Pan-Turkist. ^[36]

When Nazmi-Afshar says Pan-Turkist here, it is counterpoised to a Pan-Azeri position, which would favor unification. Når Nazmi-Afshar siger Pan-Turkist her, er det counterpoised til en pan-Azeri position, der ville favorisere forening. This is an indication of the complex choices faced by the Azerbaijani people. Dette er en indikation af de komplekse valg står den aserbajdsjanske folk. In order to distinguish themselves from the Turks of Turkey, some Azeris have sought to refer to themselves as Azerbaijani-Turk or Iranian Turk, though these hyphenated-combinations may themselves be confusing. For at skille sig ud fra tyrkerne i Tyrkiet, har nogle aserbajdsjanere søgt at henvise til sig selv som aserbajdsjanske-Turk eller iranske Turk, selv om disse bindestreg-kombinationer kan selv være forvirrende.

THE AZERI ALTERNATIVE: A TRANSCULTURAL/DIAPORIC IDENTITY THE aserbajdsjanske ALTERNATIVE: A transkulturel / DIAPORIC IDENTITET

"Azeri" is another important designation used as an identity category to represent the Azerbaijani people. "Azeri" er en anden vigtig betegnelse, der anvendes som en identitet kategori til at repræsentere den aserbajdsjanske folk. This term exists in early Assyrian and Arabic sources, dating back some 3,000 years. Dette udtryk findes i begyndelsen af assyriske og arabiske kilder, der stammer tilbage omkring 3.000 år. In ancient Assyrian sources, for instance, there is mention of a city and region known as "Azari" situated in the vicinity of "the Lake of Urmu" in western Azerbaijan. ^[37] The inhabitants of this city were referred to as the "Azers/Azerler" who were members of the Turkic racial/ethnic group. I det gamle assyriske kilder, f.eks, for der er omtale af en by og region kendt som "Azari" beliggende i nærheden af "Lake of Urmu" i det vestlige Aserbajdsjan. ^[37] Indbyggerne i denne by var benævnt " Azers / Azerler ", der var medlemmer af den tyrkiske race / etnisk gruppe. The Assyrian sources document a directive issued by the Assyrian king, Sargon II, some 2,800 years ago referring to a place called Azari. ^[38] Den assyriske kilder dokument et direktiv udstedt af den assyriske konge, Sargon II, nogle 2800 år siden at henvise til et sted kaldet Azari. ^[38]

A number of Arab travelers and historians also made frequent references to "Azerbaijan" and "al-Azeriyya." ^[39] Yaqut al-Hamavi, the thirteenth century Arab traveler and historian, wrote in regards to the language of the inhabitants of Azerbaijan, "They have a peculiar language called al-Azerriya and no one can understand it except for themselves." ^[40] En række arabiske rejsende og historikere også hyppige henvisninger til "Aserbajdsjan" og "al-Azeriyya." ^[39] Yaqut al-Hamavi, det trettende århundrede arabiske rejsende og historiker, skrev med hensyn til de sprog, indbyggere i Aserbajdsjan, "De har en særegen sprog kaldes al-Azerriya og ingen kan forstå det, undtagen for sig selv." ^[40]

Azerbaijan being the name of the land, the Arabs called the vast majority of its inhabitants and their language "al-Azerriya." Aserbajdsjan er navnet på den jord, araberne kaldte langt størstedelen af dens indbyggere og deres sprog "al-Azerriya." This "al-Azeriyya" was transliterated/translated into Persian and Turkish sources as "Azeri," which has been used alongside "Turk" to refer to the identity of Azerbaijan's inhabitants. Denne "al-Azeriyya" blev transskriberet / oversat til persisk og tyrkisk kilder som "Azeri", som har været brugt sammen med "Turk" at henvise til identiteten af Aserbajdsjans indbyggere. In fact, the two terms have been used interchangeably not only by Azerbaijanis themselves, but by Arabs, Persians, and Europeans as well. Faktisk har de to udtryk brugt i flæng ikke kun af aserbajdsjaneres selv, men af arabere, persere, og at europæerne også. For instance, regarding the definition of the term, Borhan-e Qate' , the great Persian Encyclopedia says: For eksempel definitionen af begrebet, om Borhan-e Qate «, den store persiske Encyclopedia siger:

When the Oghuz came to that region [ie, Azerbaijan], the Lord of Oghuz took a liking to one of its towns called Ujan. Når Oghuz kom til denne region [dvs, Aserbajdsjan], Herre Oghuz tog en smag til en af sine byer kaldet Ujan. He asked each of his people to bring a skirt-full of earth and pour it there. Han spurgte hver af sine folk til at bringe en nederdel fuld af jord og hæld det der. He himself brought a skirt-full and poured. Han selv tog en nederdel fuld og hældes ud. All his army personnel and his people each brought a skirt-full and piled them there. Alle hans hær personale og hans folk hver bragte en nederdel fuld og stablede dem der. Soon a gigantic mountain was formed. Snart en gigantisk bjerg blev dannet. He named it Azerbaijan, for "Azer" in Turkic stands for height and "Baijan" means the elders and lords. ^[41] Han kaldte den Aserbajdsjan, for "Azer" i tyrkisk står for højde og "Baijan": den ældste og Herrer. ^[41]

"Azeri" and "Turk" have been used interchangeably throughout most of Azerbaijan's modern history. "Azeri" og "Turk" er blevet brugt i flæng i hele det meste af Aserbajdsjans moderne historie. At least such was the case until an Iranian intellectual named Ahmad Kasravi published an article in the 1920s to refute this idea. Mindst dette var tilfældet, før en iransk intellektuel ved navn Ahmad Kasravi offentliggjort en artikel i 1920'erne at afvise denne idé. Of Azerbaijani origin himself, Kasravi ventured to claim that, among other things, Azerbaijan was originally populated by "Pahlavi/Farsi-speaking" Aryans who had later become Turkified due to the Seljuk and Mongol invasions of Iran in the eleventh and thirteenth centuries, respectively; hence, the "invention" of an Indo-European Azari/Azeri language. Aserbajdsjanske oprindelse selv, vovede Kasravi at påstå, at blandt andet var Aserbajdsjan oprindeligt befolket af "Pahlavi / Persisk-talende" ariere, der var senere blevet Turkified på grund af Seljuk og mongolske invasioner af Iran i det ellevte og trettende århundrede, henholdsvis , og derfor den "opfindelse" af en indoeuropæisk Azari / Azeri sproget.

Immediately after the popularization of Kasravi's theory, the terms "Azerbaijani" and "Azeri" became highly politicized. Umiddelbart efter popularisering af Kasravi teori, udtrykkene "aserbajdsjansk" og "Azeri" blev stærkt politiseret. The dominant Persian group in Iran used the opportunity to advance its agenda of delegitimizing Iran's "non-Indo-European" ethnic groups. Den dominerende persiske gruppe i Iran benyttede lejligheden til at fremme sin dagsorden delegitimizing Irans "ikke-indo-europæiske" etniske grupper. Many linguists, historians, and social scientists tried to prove that the language spoken in ancient Azerbaijan was exclusively and entirely Persian. ^[42] A number of Western scholars supported these views, insisting that Farsi was "the only" language spoken in all parts of the "Iranshehr" prior to the emergence and triumph of Islam in Iran. ^[43] Mange lingvister, historikere, og samfundsforskere forsøgt at bevise, at det talte sprog i det gamle Aserbajdsjan var udelukkende og helt persisk. ^[42] En række vestlige forskere støttede disse synspunkter, insisterede på, at Persisk var "den eneste" sprog der tales i alle dele af den "Iranshehr" før fremkomsten og triumf for islam i Iran. ^[43]

It is now clear that Kasravi's assumptions about the Azeri language lack credibility. Det er nu klart, at Kasravi antagelser om aserbajdsjanske sprog manglende troværdighed. He publicized such views because he believed they would be "good for Iran." ^[44] It was an era when monolingualism was promoted and diversity discarded. Kasravi and his followers proceeded on the assumption that there was an Aryan/Iranian race that could be identified and maintained in its "pure" form. Language was the main indication of this race's identity and authenticity. In the context of Iran, this language could not be any other than Farsi/Persian. ^[45]

The definition of "Azeri" currently used stands for the inhabitants of Azerbaijan and their language, which is a Turkic one. It alludes to a distinct people living in a distinct land.

THE EMERGING AZERBIJANI IDENTITY

In an April 26, 2006 visit to the United States, President Ilham Aliev of Azerbaijan observed:

Azerbaijanis live in many countries. Recently we had the Second Congress of World Azerbaijanis. And according to our estimations, there are more than 50 million Azerbaijanis who live around the world, and about 30 million of them live in Iran. ^[46]

Yet the vision he presented is one based on citizenship rather than ethnicity:

Azerbaijan is a multinational country.... We have various nationalities, various religions represented, the highest degree of religious and ethnic tolerance. Azerbaijan is a secular country, and not only by its constitution, but by way of life. ^[47]

It is "Azerbaijani-ness" that binds the diverse cultural, ethnic, and religious communities together, even people who are not ethnically Azeri but who are citizens of Azerbaijan. That is why the designation "Azerbaijani" represents a democratic identity. It is not based on an ethnocentric vision of solidarity, but on citizenship, land, and territory. It is also a way of obtaining the loyalty of Azeris at home and abroad to the country.

Among Azeris abroad, the creation of this state has also led to a greater sense of Azeri-based national identity. For example, groups and individuals living in Canada issued a statement calling on all Azeris there to identify themselves on the 2006 Census Questionnaire as "Azerbaijanis" or "Azeris" rather than Turks, Iranians, Persians, or other designations. ^[48] One statement observed:

If we answer Turk or Turkish to this question, we will be considered as nationals of the Republic of Turkey. And if we reply Persian or Farsi, we will be considered Iranian nationals. Obviously, both responses undermine our Azerbaijani identity and are, therefore, incorrect.... Let us all come together and announce once [and] for all through this census that: We are Azerbaijanis and our mother tongue is Azerbaijani [emphasis in original]. ^[49]

The idea of an "Azerbaijani" identity in both southern and northern Azerbaijan was first developed by Muhammad Emin Resulzadeh in the early twentieth century. At the time, the Azerbaijanis, together with other Turkic-speaking peoples of the Russian Empire, were commonly identified as " Rusiyye Musulmanlari " (the Muslims of Russia), " Tatarlar" (the Tatars), or " Rusiyye Turkleri " (the Turks of Russia)--much the same way as some Azeris in the south currently refer to themselves as "the Iranian Turks" or "the Turks of Iran." While acknowledging the existence of certain similarities among various Turkic peoples in the region, Resulzadeh maintained that "Azerbaijan" constituted a distinct society due to unique historical, cultural, and social characteristics shared by its inhabitants. ^[50] From this observation, the modern notion of an Azerbaijani identity was born.Similarly, it was during the Democratic Government

1945-1946) of Mir Jafar Pishevari that a sophisticated Azerbaijani identity was developed in southern Azerbaijan. In this period, notions such as Azerbaijani language, Azerbaijani nation, and Azerbaijani national homeland became prevalent. This changing and shifting nature of identity formations among the Azeris confirms the postmodern and postcolonial definition of identity in the sense that identities are not necessarily fixed and unchanging phenomena. ^[51]

As the Republic of Azerbaijan becomes more integrated into the world community, the prospect of accepting the Azerbaijani/Azeri designation becomes more practical in both southern and northern Azerbaijan. For all intents and purposes, the international community has already accepted "Azeri" and/or "Azerbaijani" as the legitimate ethnic/linguistic/cultural/national identity of the Azerbaijani people. Compared to their rival terms such as Turk, Azerbaijani-Turk, and Iranian-Turk, the "Azeri" and "Azerbaijani" designations are more inclusive, more familiar, and much more transparent. This makes them suitable identity categories for the twenty-first century.

CONCLUSION KONKLUSION

In the modern world, identities are articulated within a variety of shifting social, political, economic, cultural, and discursive contexts. Such understandings can and often do have exclusionary consequences, particularly in pluralistic environments.

For this case, there are multiple identities of Azerbaijan which continue to oscillate, conditioned by the experiences of individuals, groups, and communities. Such identity categories as "Turk," "Iranian-Turk," "Azeri," and "Azerbaijani" are based on different social, cultural, political, and economic conditions in Iran, in the Republic of Azerbaijan, and in the Azeri diaspora. A local version of a "Turkic" identity has been forming in Iran since the 1978-1979 revolution, in reaction to non-Iranian identities of Turk and Azerbaijani, on the one hand, and to exclusionary definitions of Persian primacy on the other. Simultaneously, a more flexible, inclusive "Azerbaijani" identity has been evolving in the Republic of Azerbaijan.

*Alireza Asgharzadeh teaches the sociology of knowledge, the sociology of education, and comparative educational systems in the Department of Sociology at York University. His latest book is Iran and the Challenge of Diversity: Aryanist Racism, Islamic Fundamentalism, and Democratic Struggles ( Palgrave Macmillan, July 2007).

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NOTES NOTER

 

Link til artikel: http://meria.idc.ac.il/journal/2007/issue4/jv11no4a2.asp